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Bulletins Story:
STORIES BOUGHT FOR CASH CHALLENGED BOTH SIDES OF THE
ATLANTIC
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Date: 30.05.2007
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A leading Tory back bencher (Gary Streeter MP) has succeeded in
steering a Ten Minute Rule Bill entitled Media (Transparency and
Disclosure) Bill to multi party endorsement. Sadly its provisions
will not (by this process alone) become law, but it does represent
a bold step by a respected parliamentarian in seeking a measure of
equality between the “fourth estate” and the other key institutions
in our democracy.
To quote from the first paragraph of his speech, which was well
received and led to the Bill being passed unopposed, Mr Streeter
said that the purpose of the Bill was “to require media
organisations to disclose certain information about any payments
made by them to individuals for the contribution of those
individuals to articles or broadcasts in which they are
involved.”
The aim of the Bill was to require media organisations to tell
the reader (or viewer) when money had been paid to a source of a
story. It would require the media to disclose not only that the
story was paid for, but also how much was paid for the story. The
cardinal principle of sources remaining anonymous was not
challenged in Mr Streeter’s proposals.
Mr Streeter drew an analogy between the Court of Law and the
court of public opinion. The media of course holds sway in the
latter, which shapes all our perceptions of the individuals and
institutions that affect our lives. However, whereas it would be
inconceivable in a court of law for a judge or jury not to have to
be told that a witness had been paid for his or her evidence, no
such information is provided to the reader of a newspaper
article. Without this information the reader is unable to
make a fully informed judgement as to whether the information
contained in the article should be believed or not.
That is not to suggest that newspapers should never pay money to
individuals who provide them with stories. However, the reality is
that an individual who is “dishing the dirt” on a high profile
organisation or individual will be placed in a situation where the
more dirt that is dished the more money the source can expect to be
paid. That is because we (the public) pay a premium for dirt in our
news pages. Mr Streeter told the House:
“I am simply saying that the ... reader ... should
be told whether money has changed hands to put [a] story together
and if so, how much. In this age of maximum disclosure and
transparency is it reasonable that the reader should any longer be
denied this crucial information?”
Mr Streeter went on to observe:
“We live in an age when the media is immensely powerful. It
can make or break careers and lives. Media has much more
information on government policy, and on how the country is run
than a humble back bencher like me, indeed more influence than most
ministers.”
As to the sheer financial power of the print press, Associated
Newspapers recently disclosed an annual income well in excess of £2
billion. The Sun alone makes around £150 million per year. The
legislature has too long been so afraid of the print press in
particular that it has shied away from any form of regulation. Mr
Streeter also observed that this is not a new problem: ‘Even
the military dictator Napoleon Bonaparte observed ruefully
“Four hostile newspapers are more to be feared than 1000
bayonets – the pen is truly mightier than the sword when it is
wielded by the media”’.
As Gary Streeter also observed:
“Sadly, the Press Complaints Commission is also of little
use, more often than not revealing itself to be a toothless tiger –
a self-congratulatory organisation that persistently fails those
that seek its assistance.”
Mr Streeter contrasted the press’ own activities with the
attitude it takes to any mercenary motivation emerging in
Parliament: “Remember the outrage that was rightly expressed in the
media when it emerged years ago that at least one MP was willing to
accept cash to ask questions in this House. We rightly took the
view that such mercenary motivation was not to be tolerated in the
Nation’s Parliament.”
Mr Streeter’s Bill was passed unanimously with a loud chorus of
“ayes”.
During his speech Mr Streeter made an allusion to the payments
made by the British media to the police:
“There is a particular problem ... and that relates to
the police. Many sensational headlines emanate from ... police
officers who within 5 minutes of a celebrity arrest are on the
phone to their favourite reporter shopping the person concerned for
cash – the person who is innocent until proved guilty remember. It
happens every day. The Editor of the Sun, Rebecca Wade, in her
evidence to the Culture Media and Sport Committee on 11 March 2003,
admitted that newspapers pay the police for stories ... when
it happens, the reader should be told.”
On the very day that Mr Streeter was making his speech, the BBC
was reporting that the California State Assembly had passed a Bill
aimed at stopping police selling information about celebrities who
get into trouble. The Bill imposes criminal penalties if money is
exchanged for information relating to police investigations. The
Governor of California (Arnold Schwarzenegger) will have the final
say before the measure becomes law.
The legislation was apparently prompted by leaks of reports
about Mel Gibson’s arrest last July on drink driving charges.
Within hours of the star being picked up, a celebrity website
obtained the confidential police report about his arrest and
revealed that Gibson had made anti-Semitic remarks to the sheriff’s
deputy who had arrested him. Even though the website claimed it had
not paid for the information, the California State Assembly said
that the website had violated Gibson’s legal rights.
In addition to imposing criminal penalties on police officers
who sell information about their work, those who pay for it could
also be fined up to $1,000. The sale by police officers of stories
can surely not be justified in any circumstances. However, if there
was an obligation on the part of the news media to disclose any
payment that had been made, then such activities would surely
cease.
The legal principle of an individual being innocent until proven
guilty is threatened if that individual can be placed in the stocks
by a newspaper and branded as guilty on the basis of an illegal
payment to a police officer. The time has perhaps come when the US
legislature – so long bound by the unfettered liberty given to the
media by the First Amendment – and the UK legislature, so long
cowed by the print media in particular, are beginning to recognise
that in a democracy which relies on a series of checks and
balances, the media needs at least to be required to tell us when
it deploys its massive financial power to make news.
Jonathan Coad
Defamation & Privacy
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